Ukraine: CAP LC and the American Council for Justice and Conflict Resolution Submit Joint Stakeholder Report to the UN Universal Periodic Review

A joint stakeholder submission for Ukraine’s fourth-cycle UPR argues that security and human rights are part of the same struggle, and calls for elections, anti-corruption reforms, minority protections, and planning for the post-war period.

by CAP Liberté de Conscience

A joint stakeholder submission has been prepared by the American Council for Justice and Conflict Resolution (ACJCR) and the Coordination des Associations et des Particuliers pour la Liberté de Conscience (CAP LC) for the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Ukraine at the 54th session of the UPR Working Group, to be held in January-February 2027.

The guiding assumption of the report is that rights and security should not be pitted against one another: liberty is the highest principle, and authority must prove subordinate to law in a democratic society. Compromises regarding constraints on rights, and taking risks with security, are embedded in the idea of a liberal order — the goal is to strike a balance between them.

Context: waning admiration, growing war fatigue

The submission recalls that when the Russia-Ukraine war began, commentators expected Ukraine to surrender within weeks. Through the resilience of its people and military innovations such as reliance on drones, Ukraine has endured, gaining the world’s sympathy and more than $180 billion in U.S. aid. But that admiration is waning. While the United States and Europe signed a joint statement at the 2026 G-7 summit affirming solidarity with Ukraine, President Donald Trump stated just days earlier that Ukraine is now on its own. Europe’s “coalition of the willing” is dedicating $235 billion in military, financial, and humanitarian aid — support that cannot continue forever. An “end game,” the report notes, is lacking.

The NGOs argue that publicizing Russian atrocities is no longer sufficient, given the “genocide apathy” produced by mass atrocities elsewhere. Something more positive is necessary: a policy that celebrates Ukraine’s democratic character by attacking xenophobia and other authoritarian trends.

Governance: elections, corruption, IDPs

The report first addresses governance. Regular elections, it argues, are an essential part of a democratic polity — Ukraine’s last was in 2019, judged fair by the OSCE — and it is precisely in times of crisis that civil liberties should flourish, because that is when government most needs to hear from its citizenry. In accordance with Article 25 of the ICCPR, Ukraine should establish a credible electoral calendar, strengthen its capacity to counter disinformation, request an OSCE/ODIHR observation mission, and lift restrictions on the right to vote of internally displaced persons, in compliance with the Human Rights Committee’s recommendations.
On corruption — a particularly serious matter given the amounts of foreign aid flowing into the country — the submission calls for coordination with the High Council of Justice, stronger sanctioning powers for the State Fiscal Service, and more transparent economic oversight, noting that the OECD gave Ukraine a compliance score of only 57.4 out of 100 for judicial independence.

Regarding internally displaced persons, the report proposes implementing the 2014 Law on the Rights and Freedoms of IDPs: simplifying registration and identity documentation procedures, decoupling pensions and social benefits from IDP status, guaranteeing IDPs the right to vote wherever they currently reside, and developing a national strategy for durable solutions covering housing, education, employment, and benefits.

Civil rights: minorities, religion, and the NPM

The submission welcomes Ukraine’s newly egalitarian Law on Minorities and legislation protecting indigenous peoples such as the Crimean Tatars, but notes that linguistic and educational rights for national minorities are often said to be honored more in the breach than in reality. It proposes official recognition of same-sex marriage, stronger hate-crime legislation for attacks on the LGBTQ community, the Roma, and African immigrants, and anti-discrimination codes explicitly including sexual orientation, gender identity, and national origin as prohibited grounds of discrimination.

Freedom of conscience and religion is a fundamental concern of CAP LC. The report calls on Ukraine to guarantee the effective right to freedom of religion and conscience in accordance with Article 18 of the ICCPR and Article 9 of the European Convention: ensuring impartial and prompt investigation of all acts of violence, intimidation, and vandalism targeting places of worship; facilitating the peaceful transition of religious jurisdiction from the Ukrainian Orthodox Church to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine; and defending the rights of minority religious communities — notably Jehovah’s Witnesses, Crimean Muslims, and Protestant congregations — in government-controlled territories, while documenting violations by occupation authorities in Crimea and Donbas.
The submission further recommends strengthening Ukraine’s National Preventive Mechanism, including its funding, the training of its members, and follow-up on its recommendations.

War and peace: torture, sexual violence, backlash, external dangers

On torture and due process, the report proposes aligning the definition of torture in Article 127 of the Criminal Code with Article 1 of the Convention against Torture, treating confessions obtained through torture as inadmissible, making the recording of all interrogations mandatory, and strengthening the operational independence of the State Bureau of Investigation.

Regarding conflict-related sexual violence, the submission calls for broadening the definition of rape in Article 152 of the Criminal Code to meet international standards, ex officio prosecution for sexual and domestic violence, mobile police units, and access to shelters, mental health services, and reparations for survivors in all conflict-affected territories.

The report also urges Ukraine to plan now for the post-war period, drawing a deliberate parallel with the early days of the Weimar Republic: dissatisfaction with any peace agreement, accusations of a “stab in the back” by ultra-nationalist groups such as the Azov Movement, and the grievances of veterans and bereaved parents could destabilize Ukrainian democracy. The government should therefore prepare a kind of “New Deal”: jobs for returning soldiers, compensation for civilians, repatriation of kidnapped children, healthcare for survivors, and civic education dedicated to building democracy.

Finally, the submission warns of external dangers: dependence on outside allies can compromise sovereignty; private foreign AI firms operating in Ukraine crucially require oversight; foreign businesses are using the nation’s need for investment as leverage, whether on minerals or real estate; and reports indicate that between 8,000 and 16,000 mercenaries have been integrated into the ranks of the Ukrainian army, which threatens the nation’s sovereignty.

Conclusion

The submission concludes that Ukraine is in an untenable situation, requiring new technology and military aid for its defense, foreign investment to rebuild its shattered infrastructure, and a response to war fatigue. New policies are needed to refurbish democratic institutions, integrate marginalized groups, sanction the corruption of elites, and clarify conditions for foreign investment. Now is the time, the NGOs argue, to begin addressing the price of peace and the costs of future security — rebuilding the nation under the banner of what has been termed “constitutional patriotism.”