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Le projet de loi contre le séparatisme vise l’Islam radical mais crée des problèmes de liberté religieuse

La France a un problème sérieux avec l’Islam radical, mais le projet de loi contre le « séparatisme » annoncé par le président Macron pourrait créer plus de problèmes qu’il ne prétend en résoudre. C’est la conclusion d’un « Livre blanc » co-écrit par les spécialistes des nouveaux mouvements religieux Massimo Introvigne, sociologue italien et directeur général du CESNUR (Centre d’études sur les nouvelles religions) et Bernadette Rigal-Cellard, de l’université de Bordeaux, Frédéric-Jérôme Pansier, professeur de droit en France, et les militants des droits de l’homme Willy Fautré, de Human Rights Without Frontiers, basé à Bruxelles, et Alessandro Amicarelli, avocat spécialisé en droits de l’homme à Londres et président de la Fédération européenne pour la liberté de croyance (FOB).

« L’éradication des racines sociales du terrorisme est un objectif louable, affirment les membres de la task force qui lance le Livre blanc, et certaines dispositions du projet de loi ont du sens, mais il y a aussi des sérieux problèmes ». Tout d’abord, la loi est proposée et rendue publique par certains hommes politiques et médias avec des accents inquiétants qui laissent entendre que seul un « Islam des Lumières » est accepté en France, où tous les musulmans conservateurs, c’est-à-dire la majorité des musulmans de France et d’Europe, sont soupçonnés d’extrémisme, voire de terrorisme. « Cela, dit le rapport, risque d’alimenter l’extrémisme plutôt que de le contenir ».

Deuxièmement, l’interdiction totale de l’enseignement à domicile punit des milliers de parents français qui ne sont pas musulmans et qui, dans la plupart des cas, ne décident même pas d’éduquer leurs enfants à la maison pour des raisons religieuses. Plusieurs études sociologiques ont conclu que l’enseignement à domicile est une forme légitime d’éducation et peut donner de bons résultats. « L’ultra-fondamentalisme islamique, affirment les auteurs, apparaît dans l’enseignement à domicile dans une infime minorité de cas, et peut être contrôlé ou éliminé par des contrôles adéquats plutôt que par une interdiction totale de la pratique ».

Troisièmement, il existe une procédure rapide pour dissoudre les organisations religieuses considérées comme agissant contre la « dignité humaine » ou utilisant des violences non seulement physiques mais aussi « psychologiques ». Selon le Livre blanc, il s’agit là d’un jargon standard utilisé contre les soi-disant « sectes ». En fait, certains hommes politiques français ont déjà annoncé que la loi sera utilisée pour « dissoudre des centaines de sectes ». Plutôt que de s’appuyer sur les notions pseudo-scientifiques de « lavage de cerveau » ou de « contrôle psychologique », le Livre blanc suggère que la loi devrait se concentrer sur les « mouvements religieux criminels » (une étiquette que plusieurs spécialistes préfèrent à l’insaisissable « sectes ») qui utilisent la violence physique ou commettent des délits de droit commun. Et, ajoute le rapport, la défense de la « dignité humaine » ne doit pas conduire à violer la liberté associative des organismes religieux, par exemple lorsqu’ils décident qui admettre ou expulser, ou suggèrent que leurs membres ne s’associent pas avec ceux qui ont été expulsés. Le Livre blanc cite plusieurs décisions de justice affirmant que l’excommunication et l' »ostracisme » font partie de la liberté religieuse, car les religions ont le droit de prendre des décisions concernant leurs propres organisations.

Quatrièmement, la référence aux lieux de culte indûment utilisés pour répandre « l’hostilité aux lois de la République » ne doit pas signifier que les sermons ne doivent pas être libres de critiquer les lois qu’ils considèrent comme injustes. La religion a toujours eu la fonction prophétique de critiquer les lois jugées injustes, ce qui est différent de l’incitation à la violence.

« Nous comprenons, expliquent les auteurs, que la France a sa propre tradition de laïcité, et notre but n’est pas de suggérer que la France devrait adopter le modèle américain de liberté religieuse, ou le modèle italien de coopération entre la religion et l’État. Au contraire, notre objectif est de trouver des moyens de répondre, dans le cadre de la tradition juridique française plutôt qu’en dehors de celle-ci, aux préoccupations légitimes en matière de radicalisation et de terrorisme, sans porter atteinte aux droits des minorités religieuses ni enfreindre les obligations internationales de la France en matière de droits de l’homme ».

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